By Erika Friedl
Within the village of Deh Koh in southwestern Iran, a lifestyles direction is set out for ladies and boys from their earliest days. whereas little in this negative rural group comes simply to childrens of both intercourse, ladies sincerely endure the better burden. neighborhood lore has it boy might be well-known in his mother's womb as low as 20 days after belief, whereas a lady continues to be "a formless lump of meat" for 2 months. This skewed viewpoint keeps to form their fortunes in years to stick to. such a lot moms succumb to strain to wean their baby daughters greater than a 12 months prior to their sons--a calamity in a international the place the breast bargains succor and the foremost type of sustenance. ladies might be married off once they mature--as early as nine in line with non secular edict--though there are fewer baby brides and baby moms as modernization tinkers with village traditions. given that 1992, the politics of overpopulation have made contraception a nationwide precedence, a sea swap embraced through many married ladies worn down by means of childbearing. "Only husbands and previous ladies wish us to have many children," says a mom of 8, "men simply because they do not know what a bother it truly is and previous girls simply because they've got forgotten." Ethnographer Erika Friedl writes a little judgmentally at the hardscrabble lives led in Deh Koh, but in addition with perception, verve, and authority. whereas spotlighting the kids, she illuminates the times in their father and mother and opens the reader's biases for query, too. --Francesca Coltrera
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Extra resources for Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village
Thus, the government's ideological influence on children during the Pahlavi regime, as well as in the Islamic Republic, is not addressed directly. However, in my opinion, this information is not absolutely necessary for an understanding of childhood in the village beyond the few references I do provide; Deh Koh itself is a powerful molder of it's children's world. Pseudonyms and modifications in individual children's and adults' circumstances provide a modicum of anonymity. A few women from my earlier book, Women of Deh Koh, appear in this book under the names given to them then, but not consistently so.
But I am also disappointed with many of the new ego-centered attempts to situate the anthropologist in the construction of ethnographic reality self-consciously and self-reflexively. No matter how well intended these attempts might be, they nevertheless carry the danger of producing travelographies filled with trivialities and revelations about the researcher's personal life that add yet another layer of "text" without necessarily furthering insights into what moves the people with whom the researcher interacts in seemingly continuous soul-search mode.
A Bird Flies Off into a Tree 181 18. Alphabet Philosophy 184 19. "Just a Fine Kids Feeling" 192 20. Tantrum 216 21. Play 217 22. Games 234 23. Stick Dance 240 24. Children's Hour 242 25. Playing Teacher, Playing Nurse 246 26. The Devil and the Telephone 250 27. Traders 253 28. Bugs on a String 258 29. Stories Children Hear 263 30. Beauty, School, and Men's Desires 267 31. Amene et Al. 283 32. Lions Worried 289 33. Teen Wisdom 297 Appendix: Naming Principles 303 Glossary 305 Page ix Acknowledgments This book is based on ethnographic research I carried out between 1965 and 1994, during eight visits to a tribal region in Southwest Iran.
Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village by Erika Friedl